The US government has added Colombia to a list of nations it says are failing to cooperate in the fight against drug trafficking, but for now the move is largely symbolic, and US anti-narcotics assistance will continue to flow to the Andean nation.
Colombia was among five countries that the US State Department identified as major drug transit or producing nations that have failed to adequately confront the transnational drug trade, according to a September 15 press release.
Two other Latin American countries, Bolivia and Venezuela, were also decertified, alongside Afghanistan and Burma. Another 18 countries made the list, though the White House deemed those nations’ counterdrug efforts acceptable.
However, the administration of President Donald Trump applied a waiver that ensured US anti-narcotics assistance to Colombia would continue despite the designation. Bolivia and Venezuela did not receive similar waivers and have not received US security assistance for over a decade.
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Specifically, US authorities highlighted record levels of coca cultivation and cocaine production in Colombia to support the designation, criticizing the administration of President Gustavo Petro for his “failed attempts to seek accommodations with narco-terrorist groups.”
The line is a reference to Petro’s flagship Total Peace (Paz Total) security policy, which has aimed to negotiate with dozens of criminal groups in an effort to reduce violence and address the root causes of the country’s decades-long armed conflict.
This is not the first time that Colombia has found itself in the crosshairs of the United States over anti-drug efforts. The US government first decertified Colombia in 1997 at a time when the Cali Cartel was accused of funding then-President Ernesto Samper’s presidential campaign.
US authorities said they would consider changing this designation if the Colombian government took “more aggressive action” to eradicate coca and reduce cocaine trafficking, as well as “improved cooperation” with the United States to “bring the leaders of Colombian criminal organizations to justice.”
As part of the Total Peace talks, Petro has promised not to extradite certain criminal leaders who are negotiating with his government to the United States.
Despite making headlines around the region, the decertification of Colombia does not bring any immediate consequences.
While the US government said Colombia has not met its obligations, it issued a waiver that ensures “critical US cooperation,” particularly on joint anti-drug efforts, can continue apace. In other words, none of the funds approved by the US Congress to support Colombia have been suspended. Yet.
But the move puts substantial political pressure on Petro just as the Trump Administration is ramping up efforts to crack down on the international drug trade in the southern Caribbean, where US forces have already destroyed at least two alleged drug trafficking boats. The United States may use the decertification mechanism on Colombia to pressure Petro to do more to help them combat drug trafficking in neighboring Venezuela, not just Colombia.
Venezuela has for years provided safe haven to Colombian guerrilla groups, first the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – FARC) and now the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional – ELN). Most recently, the ELN has become the most dominant actor operating along the Colombia-Venezuela border, especially in the departments of Arauca and Norte de Santander, where the group has largely displaced any remaining FARC dissident groups.
Total Peace in Jeopardy?
The US government’s demands that Colombia get tougher on coca cultivation and extradite key criminal leaders could undercut the Petro administration’s negotiation position in the Total Peace talks.
While Petro has sought to differentiate himself from past administrations with his drug policy by moving away from heavy-handed measures like forced eradication and instead focusing on structural issues, US pressure may lead him to change course. Since the start of this year, when Trump took office, Petro has been discussing potentially restarting the aerial fumigation of coca crops using herbicides like glyphosate, which has been suspended since 2015.
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A key bargaining goal for the armed groups negotiating the peace talks is for the government to adopt progressive rather than punitive policies toward coca farmers.
Agreeing to extradite crime bosses directly contradicts the armed groups’ objective in the negotiations. They are seeking judicial leniency in exchange for laying down their weapons, so the negotiations would likely fall apart with any indication they could be sent to the United States, where they would likely spend the rest of their lives in prison.
The Total Peace process is already on shaky political footing. With less than a year until the end of his term, there has been very little progress at the negotiating tables. Coca cultivation and cocaine production remain at record high levels, and crime groups have expanded their influence and become more entrenched, in some cases thanks to ceasefires with the government under the banner of Total Peace.
Petro has some tough decisions to make. It remains to be seen if he can continue to protect the current peace negotiations until he leaves office while at the same time showing a willingness to cooperate with the United States by isolating Venezuela and extraditing key criminal actors who are not in talks with the government.
Featured image: A Colombian soldier oversees coca crop eradication in Colombia. Credit: Raúl Arboleda (AFP)