The mounting pressure from the US government on Mexico’s criminal groups has fueled an inflated narrative about their reach — one that may overstate their operational capabilities north of the border.
Since President Donald Trump returned to office in January 2025, his administration has launched a series of initiatives under the banner of “Operation Take Back America,” to “ensure the total elimination” of criminal organizations.
One of the most recent efforts took place on May 6, when the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) led simultaneous raids across New Mexico, Utah, Nevada, Oregon, and Arizona. Authorities seized a record quantity of fentanyl, along with methamphetamine, cocaine, heroin, firearms, and around $4.6 million in cash.
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Sixteen alleged members of a criminal organization were arrested. Eleven of them, including the alleged leader Heriberto Salazar Amaya, face charges in the District Court of New Mexico for retail distribution and possession of fentanyl.
Attorney General Pamela Bondi described the operation as “a significant blow against the Sinaloa Cartel,” but court records did not establish any direct links to the group or include charges related to international drug trafficking.
Acting DEA Administrator Robert Murphy also claimed the operation was “a battlefield victory against a terrorist-backed network pumping death into our cities.”
These statements align with the Trump administration’s broader strategy of taking a hard line on Mexican organized crime. This includes the designation of six criminal groups as foreign terrorist organizations earlier this year, suggestions of military action, and threats of tariffs to pressure the Mexican government into ramping up its anti-drug efforts.
InSight Crime Analysis
While Mexican criminal groups remain the top suppliers of drugs to the United States — a dynamic that has fueled hundreds of thousands of overdose deaths in recent years — the trafficking chain between the two countries is highly decentralized.
Major Mexican trafficking organizations primarily oversee cross-border smuggling and wholesale distribution. From there, US-based networks like the one allegedly led by Heriberto Salazar Amaya handle domestic logistics.
This setup has allowed Mexican groups to form commercial relationships with wholesalers across nearly every US state. The Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco Cartel New Generation (Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación – CJNG) have contacts in almost every state, with especially strong footholds in major urban centers such as Los Angeles, Chicago, Houston, and Atlanta, according to the DEA’s latest report. Other groups — including the Gulf Cartel, the Northeast Cartel, and factions of the Familia Michoacana — are also believed to have clients spread across the country.
But these organizations rarely exert territorial control in the United States as they do in Mexico.
“Trial transcripts of major Mexican traffickers suggest that they have few operatives in the United States,” said Peter Reuter, a professor at the University of Maryland who has studied US drug markets for decades. “My impression is that they sell to US distributors but don’t have their own operations on this side of the border.”
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For example, a fentanyl trafficker based in Culiacán, Sinaloa, told InSight Crime in September 2023 that his role ended once the shipment was delivered to clients in Los Angeles — where he also received payment. Local wholesalers would then move the drugs to other cities and distribute them through dozens of gangs and street crews.
While some of these wholesalers may have close ties to Mexican organizations through family or trusted partnerships, that level of connection is not required. Multiple intermediary networks, often independent or subcontracted, serve as buffers.
This arrangement provides strategic advantages. Delegating operations to US-based groups gives Mexican organizations access to local logistical expertise and helps them avoid detection at heavily surveilled checkpoints.
Data from US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) shows that nearly 80% of people caught with fentanyl at official ports of entry are US citizens.
“We often see that the trafficking networks between Mexico and the US include nationals from both countries, sometimes with dual citizenship,” said Cecilia Farfán, head of the North America Observatory at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.
“This kind of ‘criminal cooperation’ gives them an edge over governments, which face numerous obstacles when trying to coordinate efforts,” she added.
Wholesale networks in the United States typically work with multiple suppliers in Mexico and can switch partners if necessary. This flexibility allows them to continue operating without being directly affected by Mexico’s shifting criminal dynamics.
A cocaine and methamphetamine distributor based in Utah told InSight Crime that the July 2024 arrest of Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada had no impact on his business, even though factions of the Sinaloa Cartel were among his main suppliers.
“If Mayo’s faction doesn’t send product, no problem. Someone else always will. This is just business,” he said.
Featured Image: Fentanyl seized by the DEA in New Mexico allegedly belonging to the Heriberto Salazar Amaya network