Venezuela’s regime, led by Nicolás Maduro, has distributed weapons to state workers and militias, potentially aiming to expand the country’s civilian army while exposing his waning influence over the colectivos, once the primary political-military force supporting his government.
On the eve of his January 8 inauguration, following the contested presidential election results, Maduro distributed military weapons to workers from 31 public institutions, including from ministries, the state electricity company, and government-expropriated businesses. The event received extensive coverage on state television and was widely promoted by social media accounts of government agencies and officials.
Just a day earlier, the minister of internal affairs, justice, and peace, Diosdado Cabello — widely regarded as Maduro’s de facto right-hand-man — led a weapons handover to the Small Farmers’ Movement in the central-western states of Lara and Yaracuy. The movement is one of several community groups that have emerged across the country.



These actions appear to be an extension of a policy initiated in December 2024, when the regime began arming employees of public institutions to “defend the homeland,” as recorded in social media posts linked to government supporters. One widely shared video captured the distribution of rifles to workers at a pasta factory expropriated by former President Hugo Chávez’s government in 2011.
While it remains unclear whether civilian groups retained the weapons distributed before Maduro’s inauguration, the highly publicized arming campaign aligns with the Venezuelan regime’s broader repressive strategy: deterring social uprisings and reinforcing political control in an increasingly tense context following Maduro’s swearing-in for a new six-year term.
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The decision to arm state and community groups highlights the growing independence of the so-called colectivos, once key allies of the government.
Under Chávez and later Maduro, armed colectivos served as the primary paramilitary force to suppress dissent. However, as these groups evolved from “defenders of the Bolivarian Revolution” into business operators, Maduro has increasingly integrated new elements into his repressive apparatus, suggesting a diminished influence over colectivos.
This shift began during Venezuela’s economic crisis in 2017, which led many colectivo members to migrate abroad. Those who remained were given government contracts to sustain themselves and were granted control over the distribution of subsidized food, domestic gas, and gasoline, while engaging in criminal activities such as extortion, robbery, kidnapping, and drug dealing.
While some colectivos maintained their ideological alignment, many have shifted their focus to business ventures, further distancing themselves from their original political mission.
“The impression we get of the colectivos is that they’re focused on doing business. They’ve essentially turned into entrepreneurs, which is why we haven’t seen them very active,” a human rights advocate told InSight Crime.
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Some colectivos that have successfully established businesses include La Piedrita, Alexis Vive, Tres Raíces, and Oswaldo Arenas, according to interviews conducted by InSight Crime. Backed by government funding, these groups have established food cooperatives, tourist stops, restaurants, and casinos in the states of Caracas and Miranda.
Distracted by their business interests, they no longer play as prominent a role in government operations. For instance, much of the manpower colectivos showcase at political events is now hired labor, according to a human rights advocate and a security expert who spoke to InSight Crime anonymously for security reasons.
At the same time, their ability to exert social control over impoverished areas has significantly diminished. This weakening influence became evident during their failure to mobilize votes for Maduro. According to electoral records shared by the opposition, Edmundo González won the presidential election in historically pro-government strongholds controlled by colectivos, such as the 23 de Enero neighborhood in Caracas.
Featured Image: During events at Maduro’s inauguration, the regime distributed rifles to public employees and militiamen. Credit: AFP
